Read Online White Guilt: How Blacks and Whites Together Destroyed the Promise of the Civil Rights Era By ShelSteele

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White Guilt: How Blacks and Whites Together Destroyed the Promise of the Civil Rights Era-ShelSteele

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"Not unlike some of Ralph Ellison’s or Richard Wright’s best work. White Guilt, a serious meditation on vital issues, deserves a wide readership.” — Cleveland Plain DealerIn 1955 the killers of Emmett Till, a black Mississippi youth, were acquitted because they were white. Forty years later, despite the strong DNA evidence against him, accused murderer O. J. Simpson went free after his attorney portrayed him as a victim of racism. The age of white supremacy has given way to an age of white guilt—and neither has been good for African Americans.Through articulate analysis and engrossing recollections, acclaimed race relations scholar Shelby Steele sounds a powerful call for a new culture of personal responsibility.

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I was impressed with Shelby Steele's "A Bound Man," but "White Guilt" really knocked me out. He describes white guilt as a self-serving effort by liberal whites to feel better about themselves, not to atone for a moral crime. Black militancy, he says, is an effort to profit from white guilt—much easier than assuming responsibility. Coming down against "social justice," he regards it as a way of avoiding taking responsibility by depending on the largesse of whites. "And so we became slaves again, our fate the responsibility of others." "The greatest black problem in America today," he argues, "is freedom." I liked his comparing black insufficiency in reading and writing with excellence in sports and entertainment. If the latter works, why can't the former? Steele offers an original take on both the history of race in America and the bifurcation of politics into liberal and conservative camps. He describes the cultural war as a war between the Right—grounded in principle and values—and the Left—focused on dissociation from America's racist past. The American Right is enjoying a political and cultural ascendency, he says, because (1) the Left has "ceded its old territory—compassionate Jeffersonian liberalism—to the right, thereby ceding to it precisely the democratic principles and values of individual freedom and responsibility that have made America a great nation," and (2) "today's right understands that racism, sexism, and reckless militarism are morally wrong." He surprised me by complimenting George W. Bush's reference to the "bigotry of low expectations." Steele says Bush "offered a new theory: dissociation from the racist past through principle and individual responsibility rather than at the expense of these things." Steele became a conservative because liberals asked him to believe in dissociation instead of "demanding principles as the road to black advancement." He dislikes affirmative action because it provides an "incentive for mediocrity and a disincentive for excellence." Favorite quote: "If I've learned anything in all of this, it is that if you want to be free, you have to make yourself that way and pay whatever price the world exacts."
I really enjoyed Shelby Steele's writing - an intelligent, articulate, almost stream of conscious-like rap connecting lots of dots about growing up black in a bigoted racist America which transformed (in the late 60's) into a white guilt (yet still obsessed with race) America. He makes a good case that it was pretty bad back then and that people don't realize how good they have it now, how a black person can go into any eating, drinking, lodging, entertainment or shopping venue they want now - as long as they can afford it, but that this change has come with an unintended price; that this freedom has undermined the once tightknit cultural identity that came by default with being black in America (and so as a result we see the self-segregation and identity politics prevalent today to try and reclaim some of that solidarity). And even more significantly ushered in an era of black cultural decline; the weakening of black individuality and responsibility.Steele's point is that the 60's (where white supremacy/racism morphed into white guilt and desire to disassociate with the past) was the turning point where blacks were absolved from having the responsibility of trying to keep up with the white norms (which due to their disadvantaged place after slavery was a really high bar to reach). The result was a great slackening in the culture (low expectations and the handicapped participation of affirmative action) - and this slackening has gone on to spread to other cultures in America today (even all the way up to the White House...).My only complaint is the somewhat broad brush Steele paints with by implying all whites must feel the guilt for America's racist past (being an immigrant myself I know I feel very little guilt for American slavery or the Jim Crow history, and my wife who was born and raised here doesn't feel any guilt...), but the points he makes about the negative effects of this white guilt on ALL Americans is well taken, and makes for an essential contribution to the discussion of race and culture in America."....This power to shame, silence, and muscle concessions from the larger society on the basis of past victimization became the new "black power." Then, as this power supported the next generation of civil rights leaders, it evolved into what we call today "the race card." (p. 55)"When America acknowledged its racism, it effectively made blacks into the nation's official and, seemingly, permanent victims - citizen-victims, as it were, for whom demands of responsibility were verboten lest the larger nation seem to be oppressing them all over again." (p. 55-56)"Since the sixties, black educational weakness has been treated primarily as a problem of racial injustice rather than as a problem of blacks rejecting or avoiding full responsibility for raising their performance levels. Thus we got remedies pitched at injustices rather than at black academic excellence - school busing, black role models as teachers, black history courses, "diversity" reading lists, "Ebonics", multiculturalism, cultural "inclusive" classes, standardized tests corrected for racial bias, and so on. All this but no demand for parental responsibility, for harder work on reading, writing and arithmetic." (p. 64)"The greatest black problem in America today is freedom. All underdeveloped, formerly oppressed groups first experience new freedom as a shock and a humiliation because freedom shows them their underdevelopment and their inability to compete as equals. Freedom seems to confirm the ugly stereotypes about that group - especially the charge of inferiority - and yet the group no longer has the excuse of oppression. Without oppression - and it must be acknowledged that blacks are no longer oppressed in America - the group itself becomes automatically responsible for its inferiority and noncompetitiveness. So freedom not only comes as a humiliation but also as an overwhelming burden of responsibility. Thus inevitably there is a retreat from freedom..." (p.67)"But the death of white authority also meant that something culturally enormous - something that had brought great cohesion and coherence to society - began to go out of the world. If white Western societies were racist and imperialistic, they were also the centers of an indisputably great civilization (one that absorbed contributions from many other races and cultures). But when white supremacy was delegitimized, white did not simply lose the authority to practice racism. The loss of authority generalized well beyond that so that whites also lost a degree of their authority to stand proudly for the values and ideas that made the West a great civilization despite its many evils." (p.108-9)And finally we come full circle to where white supremecy can reassert itself in the form of a fully dissacociated and purified PC liberalism, as New York Times columist Maureen Dowd displayed in her scathing response to Justice Calrence Thomas' dissent in the University of Michigan affirmative-action case. "Dowd illustrates the great internal contradiction of white liberalism: that its paternalism, its focus on whites rather than on blacks as the agents of change, allows white supremacy to slip in the back door and once again define the fundamental relationship between whites and blacks. So the very structure of the liberal faith - that whites and "society" must facilitate black uplift - locks white liberals into an unexamined white supremacy. They can't really believe in blacks but they must believe in whites. Whites are the agents; blacks are the agented." (p.147-8)

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